A Bloody World: Perceptions of Blood in Ferdowsi's Shahnameh
- Clare
- Jul 9, 2020
- 46 min read
Full Text:
Appendix (Database of references to blood in Shahnameh)
Contents Acknowledgements Introduction I. Blood, Sacrifice and Martyrdom II. Blood and Nature III. Blood and the Soul IV. Blood on the Battlefield V. Gendered Blood Conclusion Bibliography Acknowledgments I wish to express my deepest gratitude to my supervisor, Professor Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones, for introducing me to Shahnameh and his constant encouragement and guidance – thank you for your support and understanding throughout my degree. I would like to recognise the Ancient History Department of Cardiff University for their interest and questions in this subject, enabling me to explore other facets of the material. They have created a welcoming community for discussion and engagement, enabling all students to explore new topics such as this dissertation. Beyond the invaluable academic support I have received, I have people to thank for listening to me in the last year. To my parents, Rob and Ali, for their never-ending support and belief. To my friends and peers, Jessica Peto and Cameron Wallis, for pushing me to be my best and taking an interest in my work. Introduction “The plain was like an Oxus of blood, a mass of severed heads and toppled warriors.”[1] This brutal imagery is just one of four-hundred-and-twelve references to blood in Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh. This epic is a seminal work in the literature of the Ancient Near East and is the “chief source whence the Persians derive their ideas as to the ancient history of their nation”.[2] Beyond the beauty of the text, with its magnificent stories and wonderful images, lies a dark and gruesome root – blood. This theme has been rarely, if ever, commented on in Shahnameh studies, let alone Ancient Near Eastern studies in general, and yet, blood is central to the text, permeating every tale in some way. In this way, this work will shed light on this theme and demonstrate its importance to the text. This dissertation will explore perceptions of blood in Shahnamehthrough a variety of themes: sacrifice and martyrdom, nature, battle, the soul, and gender. Through a collation of a variety of meanings and interpretations of ‘blood’, new insights into the study of Shahnameh will be offered to encourage deeper thought into the themes of Ferdowsi’s work. Shahnameh has continued to be used and reproduced across the Persian-speaking world from its conception,[3] thus it has been susceptible to various interpretations which will affect how one reads the text. This work uses Professor Dick Davis’ 2007 English translation of Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh. When ancient texts are translated, it can be tempting to make the vocabulary fit with our definitions that only make sense in our own language and context.[4] In the Persian-English Dictionary, there are many variations of khūn,[5] the Persian for ‘blood’, which all bring their own nuances and meanings. These subtle differences are lost during the translation process in order to make Ferdowsi’s words fit elegantly into our own language. This can lead to misinterpretation of the text, as well as a loss of different levels of meaning. Thus, through using a translation, the way one reads the use of blood may differ from interpretations using the original text. In this vein, it is easy to fit these works onto other cultural frameworks,[6] which can lead to further misinterpretation – one must be wary of forcing the ancient works into our own societal conceptions. Another difficulty one faces when dealing with perceptions of blood in Shahnameh is our own pre-conceived notions of what blood means to us – “as interpreters, we can never entirely escape our biased perspectives”.[7] Hundly’s argument here suggests our interpretations will always be influenced by our own environments. These pre-conceived notions can affect interpretations of texts and only by being aware of this, can we minimise their effect on interpretation. Many people think of life when considering ‘blood’ – a loss of blood will end a life or the presence of blood make life. When reading blood in Shahnameh this same idea can be seen, with blood gushing from wounds and landscapes reddened with blood. However, a modern audience understands blood in this way because of a variety of influences, from media and literature, to religion and science – all of this will construct a specific viewpoint on what blood is for every individual. Ferdowsi’s contemporaries would have been influenced in the same way by their own environments, however there is a lack of scholarship and sources surrounding blood in the ancient world, especially blood in the Ancient Near East. Thus, it is difficult to get into their mindset – what did they believe about blood? This is down to interpreting their use of the substance in literature and other sources. The ancients do not explicitly mention their own beliefs on blood thus we must interpret what they have left behind to get a sense of how they saw blood. In this way, one can look to other ancient civilisations and epic traditions (for example the Homeric treatment of blood), which have been studied to a greater extent to inform interpretations of blood in Shahnameh. Views of blood in Islam, Judaism and Christianity can also inform us, offering alternative interpretations that can be applied to Ferdowsi’s text. I. Blood, Sacrifice and Martyrdom “They set a yoke on his shoulder and dragged him on foot, hemmed in by soldiers his face bleeding, toward Seyavashgerd”.[8] Sacrifice is an interesting theme in Shahnameh – there are instances that take on elements one would expect to see in a sacrifice, leading the reader to interpret these references as sacrificial. Blood was often used for sacrifice as seen through Leviticus 4-5 and the sin-offering rites where animals were slaughtered and their blood scattered on the altar. Abasch argues animal blood is given to protect the human or atone for sins in place of human blood, protecting them from divine anger and from contaminating the gods with human blood.[9] Sacrifice and blood are seen as universal purifiers and, in turn, purity represents order.[10] However, blood appears to have played hardly any role in Mesopotamian culture as sources focus on the presentation of an offering rather than slaughter of animals or consumption.[11] In this way, Shahnameh’s use of blood may not be seen as sacrificial. There are also instances that can be interpreted as martyrdom but there is a fine line between sacrifice and martyrdom. The most explicit section that can be interpreted as sacrifice is Seyavash’s execution – “Knowing neither fear nor shame, they held a gold dish at his throat to catch the blood and severed the head of that silver cypress tree”.[12] The use of a bowl to catch the blood is in line with sacrificial rites in the Hebrew Bible.[13] Leviticus 4 suggests this use of a bowl through the idea that blood was brought into the tent after the sacrifice was killed and verb ‘pour’. The use of a bowl to catch blood is also found in The Odyssey – “[…] Perseus held the bowl for the blood.”[14] This is later reinforced with Seyavash being compared to an animal sacrifice – “[…] Seyavash had been dragged on foot, bound, and with a yoke placed about his neck […] his face twisted up like a sheep’s whilst a basin was held to catch his blood.”[15] Through the images of binding and blood being caught in a dish, Ferdowsi evokes sacrificial imagery linked to animals being sacrificed. In this way, Seyavash is likened to the sheep and other animals who are sacrificed to the gods. By debasing Seyavash to animal status through his use of simile, Ferdowsi emphasises the idea of sacrifice because it transforms Seyavash from a human prisoner to animal sacrifice. Thus, one can suggest Ferdowsi was leading us to a sacrificial interpretation – animals are sacrifice; not humans. Without this simile, Seyavash becomes an executed prince, albeit a martyred one, but the deeper meaning of a sacrifice would be lost. One could argue this is likened to the idea of the lamb of God – Jesus sacrificed himself for humanities’ sins and rises again; Seyavash dies because of Ashurbanipal’s envy and rises again as Kay Khosrow. These Christian links to the sacrifice of Seyavash influence a modern reader when approaching this story, thus our interpretation of this instance of blood loss in Shahnameh. In this way, we can read Seyavash’s execution as a sacrifice in line with Christian beliefs. Through Seyavash’s face being held up, one can suggest it resembles a sacrifice to the celestial gods as in Greek and Hittite tradition.[16] In Zoroastrian belief, Ahuramazda heals the world from wrath with sacrifices,[17] thus one can read Seyavash’s sacrifice as a way of healing the world from Afrasyab’s wrath if Seyavash were to live. However, one could suggest instead Seyavash’s sacrifice incites the future wrath of Kay Khosrow who works to avenge his father. The idea of sacrifice as healing or purifying can be seen through the purification of a leper through the sacrifice of a bird in Leviticus 13-14, thus suggesting that “blood has the inherent power to purify”.[18] Like Jesus’ sacrifice, the blood removes the impurity/sin from the individual/world. The use of blood in purification rites and sin-offerings in the Hebrew Bible suggests that blood was integral to the reconciliation process between man and God.[19] This is clearly seen through Leviticus 16:11-20 where Aaron sacrifices a bull and a goat to atone for the “uncleannesses of the people of Israel”[20] and transfers their sins to a live goat to be sent into the desert. In this way, blood sacrifice is used for purification, thus one can suggest Ferdowsi’s use of sacrifice in Shahnameh is to ‘purify’. This therefore creates a twisted evil because of Seyavash’s innocence and no specific ‘sin’ has been committed to warrant such a sacrifice – it becomes needless and thus one can suggest it is a murder; not a sacrifice. However, there was a move away from blood sacrifice in Judaism after the fall of the Temple in 70 CE.[21] Despite this shift, there is never acknowledgement of any wrong in animal sacrifice in relation to Jesus’ death.[22] In Islam, God demands sacrificial killing but any sin/regret is removed because the moral responsibility is on God (as seen with Abraham’s sacrifice of Isaac).[23] However, this slaughter must be halal by making the death painless (the animal cannot be slaughtered in front of others and knives cannot be sharpened in their presence).[24] In this way, the animal sacrifice becomes a devotional act, as emphasised through the recitation ‘in the name of God, God is most great’.[25] We can also use images/iconography to critically read the text through iconographic exegesis. Figure.1 demonstrates the interpretation of Seyavash’s execution as a sacrifice. The idyllic landscape contrasts with the horrifying depiction of Seyavash’s death, creating a jarring atmosphere for the viewer. Seyavash’s head is clearly being “twisted up like a sheep’s”[26] whilst his throat is slit. This, along with Seyavash’s visible bonds, all emphasise the sacrificial interpretation, thus enforcing this idea on the reader. Through using this miniature as a lens to read Seyavash’s death, one can clearly see the sacrificial intent demonstrated by the artist’s interpretation of Ferdowsi’s words. This depiction of the execution clearly demonstrates how the images created by Ferdowsi are sacrificial – he is leading the reader to the conclusion that this is not a mere murder: it is a sacrifice. One can argue that the use of miniatures in Shahnameh editions, continues the adaptability of the text from its oral origins by creating a scene that can be understood without the words for all time. One can also use Sasanian imagery for iconographic exegesis (figure.2). The depiction on this plate symbolises Shapur II imposing divine order over chaos (as represented by the deer). In this way, one can interpret the deer as sacrificial – it must die for order to be restored to the chaotic world. This idea is emphasised through the depiction of the deer itself – its head is being pulled back and tilted up whilst Shapur stabs it in the neck. This evokes a similar image to that given by Ferdowsi and the above miniature (figure.1), thus emphasising the reading of this episode as sacrificial – Seyavash is the deer and Afrasyab takes the role of Shapur. In using this image, we can read Seyavash’s execution as a sacrifice for Afrasyab to restore order to Turan, like Shapur sacrifices the deer to restore order to his Empire. Through looking at this plate, one can argue Seyavash’s execution is a sacrifice because of the similarities, thus reinforcing the sacrificial interpretation. This is furthered through the central ideology of bull-slaying in Mithraism (figure.3).[27] Mithras holds the bull’s head up as he stabs it in the neck – echoing the imagery employed by Ferdowsi when describing Seyavash’s execution. In Mithraic ideology, the bull’s blood fertilises the Earth, with suggestions of agricultural fertility through wheat grass growing from the bull’s stab wound.[28]This idea of a bull’s blood as a symbol of fertility may have come from the Bundahishn, a 9th Century CE Zoroastrian text on creation in which Ahriman kills Ahuramazda’s bull and from its body comes other life forms.[29] In this way, there appears to be a literary tradition of blood on the ground as a symbol of creation and fertility – suggesting Ferdowsi had Seyavash’s blood collected to symbolise this attempted end to his lineage. The figure of Seyavash can be found in the Avesta, as the god Siyavakhash (the dying god who rises in spring and linked to fertility) who was worshiped in ancient Khorsem, Sogdia and Bukhara. In his early worship, cockerel blood was spilt on the ground. In this way, we can interpret Seyavash’s execution in Shahnameh as a sacrificial act resembling the sacrifice of cockerels to Siyavakhash. However, because his blood is caught in a gold dish, unable to reach the ground, we may interpret this as an ordinary execution and not an act of sacrifice. This same idea of blood spilling on the ground is seen through Mithras’ sacrifice of the bull where the blood fertilises the Earth and returned life. In this way, the ground cannot be fertilised by Seyavash’s blood nor any deity worshiped, thus it is symbolic of Afrasyab’s mission to ensure nothing comes from Seyavash’s bloodline – he cuts off the head and in doing so fells the tree and its roots. We can see this further through Afrasyab’s orders “I want nothing to grow from Seyavash’s root, neither a tree nor a bough nor a leaf; I want no scion from him worthy of a crown or throne.”[30] This reinforces the idea that by catching the blood in the bowl, Seyavash’s fertility was ended. However, this bowl of blood is later mentioned to have been emptied elsewhere, symbolising Farigis’ pregnancy with Kay Khosrow, demonstrating how Seyavash’s line will continue, despite Afrasyab’s attempt at ending his fertility. This further links to Siyavakhash as the god who dies and is mourned but rises again – Seyavash is killed and mourned in Shahnameh but his son, Kay Khosrow, rises again in his place. Later, Ferdowsi writes “from the place where Seyavash’s blood had been spilt a green tree sprang up”,[31] furthering this idea of blood fertilising the ground as a metaphor for Seyavash’s continued lineage. This same idea of blood on the ground symbolising rebirth can be seen in al-Tabarī’s account of al-Zabbā’s murder of Jadhima – she cuts his wrists so he bleeds into bowls because “if a drop of his blood should fall outside the bowl, his blood would be avenged.”[32] The idea of blood being spilt on the ground is clearly demonstrated in the Hebrew Bible – “Only you shall not eat its blood; you shall pour it out on the ground like water”.[33] This suggests that blood was meant to be spilt on the floor during sacrifices beacause of laws against consumption. In this way, returning the blood to the ground is like returning the victim’s lifeforce to God. Thus, there appears to be a literary tradition of catching blood of murdered/sacrificed victims to ward off revenge – if blood spills on the ground it is a bad omen. When reading Seyavash’s story, it is clear that he is executed and not intentionally sacrificed. However, one could argue that the language used and images evoked transforms the episode into a sacrifice. This same idea is seen through the execution and sacrifice of Christ – the event is a criminal execution (with one side believing it is justified whilst another believes it is not), but Christ regarded his own death as a sacrifice, thus this ‘onlook’ metaphor transforms the incident from execution to sacrifice.[34] This demonstrates how our preconceived notions of blood can affect our reading of a text, thus transforming the words into our own interpretation. Therefore, was Ferdowsi’s intent to lead us to this interpretation of sacrifice or is it merely a side-effect of our beliefs and notions? This is difficult to tell, but one can argue that Ferdowsi’s use of language is loaded with sacrificial imagery which would have especially been understood by his contemporary audience – thus one can suggest that it was Ferdowsi’s intent to lead us to a sacrificial interpretation of Seyavash’s execution. But when does sacrifice become martyrdom? “The tragedies of Iraj and Seyavash evoke the cosmic anguish and inconsolable pity of the guileless and the pure, ravaged by the wicked”.[35] Both Iraj and Seyavash are restored through their heirs Manuchehr and Kay Khosrow.[36] The deaths of Iraj and Seyavash evoke great pity and emotion because they represent evil defeating good.[37] They were innocent victims needlessly caught up in the struggle between light and dark – between Ahuramazda and Ahriman. Both Iraj and Seyavash represent the good (light) and are killed because of this – they are in opposition to the dark evil (Ahriman). In this way, one can suggest they are martyrs because they are killed for their beliefs. Both Seyavash and Iraj are forces of good and fight for justice in a land where those in power are seduced by Ahriman. However, Iraj does not willingly sacrifice himself, in fact he willingly hands over his lands and begs his brothers to spare his life.[38] In this way, one cannot see Iraj as a martyr, but rather an innocent murdered victim. On the other hand, Seyavash predicts his death at the hands of Afrasyab,[39] and still decides to remain in Seyavashgerd where he is at risk. One can suggest Seyavash is a martyr because he does not run away from his death/fate and instead willingly faces Afrasyab and goes to his death – Seyavash does not attempt to change his fate but instead prepares for his inevitable end. In this way, Seyavash is a sacrificial martyr, unlike Iraj who is an innocent victim. Ferdowsi uses blood in Shahnameh to evoke empathy for innocent, sacrificial victims. Whilst never explicitly stating there is a sacrifice, Ferdowsi’s use of blood creates constructs that lead the reader to this conclusion. The images employed by Ferdowsi when describing Seyavash’s death are steeped in sacrificial representations in Sasanian iconography and evokes images of sacrifices in the Hebrew Bible. In this way, the use of blood and the connected images lead the audience to interpret the episode as a sacrifice. There are many innocent victims in Shahnameh and Ferdowsi uses blood to enable the reader to explore ideas of martyrdom. II. Blood and Nature “If you give the order, we shall make mountains level with the plains, and with our swords we shall make the ocean’s water into blood”.[40] One of Ferdowsi’s most prevalent themes of blood is in regard to nature. Natural imagery is employed constantly, with one-hundred-and-thirty-four references to blood and nature. Ferdowsi uses natural images to heighten his work, thus enabling the reader to visualise the hyperbolic descriptions. It is far easier to visualise a river of blood or plains stained with blood than a lengthy battle description. The natural world is universal – no matter where you are from you can relate to natural images, thus making Ferdowsi’s work itself universal and timeless. The highly repetitive nature of Ferdowsi’s nature references are reminiscent of oral traditions of the ancient world where stock phrases were employed to build stories.[41] This technique is also seen in the Homeric works through epithets such as “swift-footed Achilles”,[42] indicating the use of repeated phrases lay in ancient literary tradition and didn’t just belong to the naqqâl poets of Iran. The most prominent natural feature in Shahnameh is water, being used sixty-four times. Water imagery is evoked even without direct mentions of water sources through Ferdowsi’s use of the adjective ‘awash’ ([…] the ground was awash with blood […]”)[43] and verb ‘swam’ (“[…] the earth swam with blood like a wine vat […]”).[44] The majority of water references are to rivers – “The armies clashed, and a river of blood flowed across the ground.”[45] Some references specifically name the Oxus (“[…] for him we shall turn this plain to an Oxus of blood.”)[46] or even the Nile (“Bahram’s troops pursued the elephants, and the earth was like a Nile of blood.”).[47] The significance of water in Shahnameh may be influenced by the prominence of the two great Mesopotamian rivers – Tigris and Euphrates – and the complex water and irrigation systems of the Ancient Near East. In a world where the rivers flooding or a drought can affect your entire life, one would expect water to be a significant theme. This is evident through the flood story in the Epic of Gilgamesh. Like the flood in Genesis, this flood was sent by the Gods to destroy the Earth, indicative of the destructive power of water. Water imagery also features heavily in Isaiah, including references to blood – “For the waters of Dibon are full of blood”[48] – demonstrating its significance in the literary traditions of the Ancient Near East. However, water also meant survival for the ancients, therefore it is unsurprising that it was “a central component of religion and cosmology”.[49] Water features heavily in Ancient Near Eastern mythology and religion, especially Zoroastrianism. Herodotus tells us the Persians sacrificed to a variety of elements, including water,[50] something that the variety of deities linked with water can attest to. The religious significance of water can be seen through its inclusion in the Avestan yašts, for example the opening to Yashna 1.16 contains prayers to the water.[51] This is emphasised through the role of water in purifying an idol statue in the mīs pî ritual.[52] Through washing an idol statue and performing a variety of rituals, the statue becomes enlivened, enabling the god to visit the mortal realm. The use of water in these rituals demonstrates a belief in the purification properties of water, indicating the significance of water in Ferdowsi’s text. The importance of water in the Ancient Near East is emphasised through the role of the river god Nāru who is called upon to counteract evil and take away bad magic.[53] This demonstrates how rivers and water can be seen as a form of purification, thus one can suggest Ferdowsi’s use of river similes and metaphors for blood can be viewed as an act of purification through death – the purging of evil. However, this contrasts with attitudes towards blood in the Vendidād, where blood is seen as a pollutant.[54] In this way, rivers of blood can be interpreted as representing how bloodshed and war have polluted the land by causing chaos – it is only when these rivers have cleared and order restored that the land can be purified. The importance of water is also seen at Palmyra where annual offerings were thrown in to the spring Efqa and oracles were received there.[55] This idea of purification is also found in Zoroastrian beliefs where a molten metal river will come and purify the world and everyone in it.[56] Thus one can argue Ferdowsi’s extensive use of rivers and seas of blood is reminiscent of this idea – the world is purified of chaos and evil through being bathed in the blood of battle. One can argue that through this interpretation, these rivers of blood in Shahnameh act like the flood in tablet eleven of the Epic of Gilgamesh. The flood is sent to destroy mankind and in Shahnameh plains are turned to rivers and seas with the blood of the dead. This mirrors the mass loss of life – “The clash of weapons filled the air, and blood flowed from the heroes like a monstrous flood.”[57] However, water also featured in the creation myths, contrasting the destructive aspects of water. Through the mixing of Apšu and Tiamat’s ‘waters’,[58] their offspring were created. In this way, water becomes a creative force rather than a destructive one. This argument can be furthered through the blood and bodies of the dead fertilising the land of the battlefield,[59] thus enabling new growth to come from death in the circle of life. In this sense, Ferdowsi’s use of bloody waters can be viewed as a sign of a new land to come – the creation of the next stage in his narrative. The link between blood and water is seen further through the idea that God will rebuild the blood of deaths from water during the resurrection, as demonstrated in the Bundahishn.[60] This text also equates the blood and blood vessels to the river water and river systems of the Ancient Near East.[61] Thus one can suggest Ferdowsi’s use of water and blood fits into Ancient Near Eastern traditions and Zoroastrian beliefs. Tree images are also significant in Shahnameh. Ferdowsi uses tree metaphors when referring to figures of power. An example of this is Seyavash – “Knowing neither fear nor shame, they held a gold dish at his throat to catch the blood and severed the head of that silver cypress tree”.[62] The use of the tree metaphor in relation to Seyavash is significant through its connection to fertility and cyclical time.[63] Through connecting Seyavash to this idea of abundance, Ferdowsi reinforces the idea of the fertility of blood and the prevention of this through catching the blood in a bowl. However, because the seed has already been planted (Farigis is pregnant with Khosrow), this tree can regrow – “From the place where Seyavash’s blood had been spilt a green tree sprang up; on its leaves the prince’s face could be seen, and its scent was like the scent of musk.”[64] This evokes ideas from the Hebrew Bible where the holy seed remains after the tree of Judah is cut down.[65] If this is the case, blood can be viewed as the ‘holy seed’ from Isaiah 6, thus emphasising the ideas of fertility. This interpretation of fertility can be taken further when Ferdowsi uses tree imagery to indicate a promise of blood – “You are planting a tree whose leaves will bring blood and whose fruit is vengeance”.[66] In this way, Ferdowsi uses the fertile and cyclical connotations of trees to suggest there will not be an end to the bloodshed and war, people will always search for revenge on one another, as they have from the beginning with vengence for Iraj – “We look to wash the leaves and fruit of the tree of vengeance for Iraj in blood”.[67]This cyclical nature of blood loss and battle is used throughout the text, as empahsised through stock phrases and the many battlescenes employed by Ferdowsi. This links to ideas of blood revenege and blood feuds, where murders are committed in vengence for the murder of a family member in a seemingly never-ending cycle of blood revenge, hence a blood feud.[68] These cyclical ideas of never-ending bloodshed are emphasised through the centrality of blood in Ferdowsi’s narrative – it is everpresent throughout the text, being used time and time again. One can suggest that through connecting trees and blood from the beginning of his work – “[…] he planted a tree whose sap is blood and whose fruits and poisonous”[69] – Ferdowsi suggests that there will be extensive bloodshed throughout his Epic. The tree of blood and poisonous fruits described here indicates the constant bloodlust within the text. Ferdowsi shows the reader that this ‘tree’ represents the people of Iran and Turan; like this ‘tree’ they are poisonous and bloody. Through the use of a tree, Ferdowsi highlights the cyclical nature of this bloodlust – it will remain a theme throughout the text and will never end. The idea that Ferdowsi uses trees and blood to demonstrate blood loss is furthered through his use of similie – “Warriors’ heads fell like leaves from a tree and the battlefield became a river of blood […]”.[70] Through connecting heads to leaves, Ferdowsi uses natural imagery to demonstrate the large number of warriors beheaded and killed. Ferdowsi also names specific trees, especially the Judas-tree – “The caves and plain were strewn with bodies, and the blood made the ground as red as a Judas-tree’s blossom […]”[71] and “[…] I shall make the ground as red with his blood as the blossom of the Judas-tree.”[72] This red blossom refers to the emerging leaves after the main pink flowers,[73] thus one can suggest that by using a specific reference to the Judas-tree, Ferdowsi is using his environment and the well-known blossoms to emphasise the red of the bloody plain. The cercis siliquastrum is nicknamed ‘Judas-tree’ because it is believed that Judas hung himself from this species after betraying Jesus.[74] In this way, Ferdowsi links those whose blood has been spilt to the treachory of Judas. Ferdowsi also uses a vareity of animal images throughout Shahnameh. Ferdowsi frequently uses lions to refer to heroes and kings – “The lion pressed on to the Greek camp”.[75] Lions were traditionally hunted by the kings of Iran (Ferdowsi also has Bahram hunt a lion),[76] thus one can suggest the prominence of lions in the text links back to these royal traditions. The image of a lion attacking a bull (figure.4) represents the eternal struggle between good and evil and has lasting influence, even appearing on the cover of The Economist in 2013. One can suggest Ferdowsi’s use of the lion ties into this tradition, thus enabling Ferdowsi to use the lion and blood to indicate whether the blood loss was justified in the cosmic order. Blood and nature are often paired together throughout Shahnameh to enable the reader to visualise Ferdowsi’s words. The use of nature also ties into epic traditions where natural imagery is used for description. One can suggest this is because the ancients were surrounded by this nature and thus using this figurative language will enable the text to be relatable to the reader. This is arguably tied into the oral traditions of epic poetry – the poets would use their surroundings and what they knew to create the stories. Ferdowsi draws on his environment and the landscapes of the Ancient Near East to emphasise his use of blood. III. Blood and the Soul “Blood flowed from the wound, and his soul departed; he fell, and his horse turned and galloped back to camp.”[77] The idea of blood as life can be seen in Muslim and Jewish thought. As a devout Muslim, Ferdowsi would have held this same view. Thus, one can suggest when we read blood in Shahnameh, especially in the context of wounds and death, we must read it as the soul or life of the individual. “As a condition for life, it [blood] represents power”,[78] thus one can suggest that Ferdowsi’s use of blood represents the soul. If this is the case, one must read blood as the soul – not simply a substance, as emphasised through the belief that blood animated the body.[79] This idea of blood as a lifeforce is prevalent throughout history and literature, with some references from Homeric literature right up until the modern day, as seen through the popular BBC mini-series, Dracula, in which the titular the character states “blood is lives”.[80] Thus, our own notions of blood as being the reason for life will leak into our interpretation of Ferdowsi’s words. However, it is likely Ferdowsi himself held similar beliefs that informed his writing. In this way, one must consider references to wounds and death as the soul escaping the body – as they bleed their life force drains away. This idea of the soul residing in the blood is clear in the literary traditions of the Ancient Near East. The Atrahasis epic demonstrates this – it is through the addition of blood from a fallen god that clay assumes the qualities that make it human.[81] Tablet VI, line 525 of Enuma Eliš also offers an interpretation of blood and the soul – “He [Ea?] created mankind from his [Qingu] blood”.[82] This suggests that it was Qingu’s blood that animated mankind and enabled them to serve the gods. In this way, one can suggest that it was believed that the soul was contained in the blood. Before the addition of this blood, humanity was lumps of clay; only when they are given blood do they become enlivened. This same idea of blood containing the soul or life is seen in Islam. The Quarnic passage sūra 96 states “Recite in the name of your Lord who created, created humanity from a blood clot”.[83] Through the creation of mankind from blood, one can suggest it was through this that mankind was animated, thus their life (or soul) lies in the blood. This is furthered through the consumption of blood being harām (forbidden),[84] for to do so would be to consume the soul. The Hebrew Bible supports this idea with Leviticus 17:11 making this link explicit – “For the life of the flesh is in the blood […] for, as life, it is the blood that makes atonement”.[85] In Hebrew thought, the blood is or contains the nephesh (life or thought),[86] as evidenced through “[…] for the blood is the life […]”.[87] This nephesh is spilt on the ground upon death, reflecting Ferdowsi’s use of blood (“Blood flowed from the wound, and his soul departed”).[88] In Shahnameh, blood is often depicted as spilling on the ground or gushing out of wounds. Thus, in line with beliefs surrounding nephesh, Ferdowsi suggests that their soul is streaming out of their body onto the ground. This idea is demonstrated through “I poured out their lifeblood on the earth”,[89]emphasising the soul resides in the blood. Life is evident through the blood and leaves when the breath ends or blood runs out.[90] Despite this, there are arguments that blood is a temporary vehicle for the soul,[91] thus the soul is evident in blood upon death when it escapes the body. The idea in Israelite culture that blood spilt by a premeditated and unjustifiable murder demands revenge for being spilt suggests that the soul was in the blood.[92] Because it is the blood itself that needs appeasing, one can suggest it contains the soul of the victim who wants revenge for their own murder – the blood is a vengeful spirit. This is clearly evidenced through Cain’s murder of Abel – “The voice of your brother’s blood is crying to me from the ground”.[93] Through the active adjective ‘crying’, one can suggest the blood contains part, if not all, of Abel’s spirit which is crying to the Lord for help and vengeance. It was believed that to appease the blood, more blood must be offered,[94] in line with the New Testament idea of “an eye for an eye”.[95] This links to the idea of sin sacrifices – by giving the blood of another it atones for the sins of humanity – for one to be forgiven, one must be sacrificed. The Hebrew Bible goes further to suggest that life is in the blood through passages in the torah prohibiting eating blood (Genesis 9:4, Leviticus 17:11, Deuteronomy 12:23). Genesis 9:4-6 highlights the idea of “life, that is, its blood”[96] and bloodshed repays bloodshed (“Whoever sheds the blood of man, by man shall his blood be shed”).[97] There is a belief that the life must have departed the flesh before it can be eaten, thus the life is lost when the blood is drained.[98] In this way a lack of blood is equal to a lack of life,[99] thus one can interpret Ferdowsi’s use of blood to mean the soul. Blood is not merely a symbol of the soul, it is the soul.[100] In Homeric thought, it is argued the soul leaves the body upon death, but there is debate over whether it resides in the blood or breath.[101] The soul (Ψνχη) is life that is lost at death.[102] Despite this, blood is considered so essential that it is the centre of life for Homeric peoples with some considering blood and the soul to be one and the same thing.[103] In this way, blood loss can be read as the loss of the soul. This is emphasised through the belief that Gods and demons in Homeric writing are said to be without blood, meaning they are immortal.[104] Through a lack of blood, they have no soul that can be lost. Upon the death of a Homeric hero, the soul gushes from the wound to the underworld,[105] it is this mortality that makes a hero:[106] they have a presence of blood as opposed to the godly lack of blood. This idea can be seen in Shahnameh, through depictions of blood from hero’s wounds and on battlefields. The centrality of blood to life and its connection to the soul is clearly used by Ferdowsi when depicting the loss of a soul upon death. Thus, one can suggest that Homeric ideas about the loss of soul can be detected in Ferdowsi’s epic narrative, demonstrating how the treatment of blood and the soul in Shahnameh resides firmly in the epic traditions of the ancient world. One can clearly see this connection through Piran’s death – “Piran gave a great cry, his mind turned dark as blood welled up from his liver into his mouth, and his soul departed”.[107] Here, Ferdowsi connects the rising blood from his wounds to Piran’s soul – as the blood escapes the body, the soul also escapes. In this way, one can argue the soul resides in the blood, thus tying into Homeric traditions of blood being integral to life. It is upon death that the body splits into the corpse and the psyche (soul) and become separate,[108] before this blood is needed to allow the soul to speak.[109] Thus, one can suggest that the blood enlivens the body and through a loss of blood, the life and therefore soul cannot inhabit the inanimate corpse. When reading blood in Shahnameh, one must always be aware of the blood’s role in a person’s life – the blood is their life and its loss means a loss of life. The ideas of blood and the soul discussed must be considered and Ferdowsi’s life as a devout Muslim would have influenced his writings, thus one must consider the idea of blood meaning life. Not only is this clear in Muslim and Jewish thought, but one can also see a precedence in the epic traditions of the ancient world. In this way, the reading of blood as the soul is a convincing argument however, there are ambiguities such as debates over translations – does the soul reside in the blood or the breath? These ambiguities may suggest that when reading blood in Shahnameh, we cannot always see it as the soul or life. One must be careful in bringing one’s own beliefs on blood and life to the interpretation and instead look at it in context – Ferdowsi likely held these beliefs; thus, blood can be interpreted as life/soul. IV. Blood on the Battlefield “The two armies clashed with such force that blood flowed like a river”.[110] “Blood and war would seem to be a natural pair – it is hard to imagine a battlefield without blood.”[111] This is certainly true of battles in Shahnameh, with these scenes being the most common occurrence of blood in the text. The extent of battle scenes employed by Ferdowsi reflects the centrality of war to ancient societies to assert their dominance or defend their interests.[112] In this way, many of Ferdowsi’s blood references are connected to battle contexts and warriors/heroes. The dominance of battle blood is in line with the epic tradition where many ancient epic texts focus on events/figures surrounding war. Ancient societies were warrior dominated,[113] with the king-warrior being central to Sasanian royal ideology.[114] The king could prove his legitimacy through his “soldierly virtues”,[115] emphasising the importance of the army and military strength in the ancient world. In this way, they often represented themselves as warriors on their bowls and reliefs (figures 5 and 6). Furthermore, military actions were linked to religious piety and social order for the Sasanians,[116] thus one can suggest that the extensive use of blood on the battlefield in Shahnameh recalls these ideas of restoring social order and doing a duty to society. Warriors composed the second estate of Sasanian society,[117] emphasising the militaristic nature of the ancient world. Under the Sasanians, the idea of Iranshahr was a “set territory ruled by a warrior aristocracy”.[118] The importance of warriors and the army in Sasanian society suggests there was an emphasis on their military strength. The Sasanians depicted successes in single combat (figures 5 and 7),[119] demonstrating the importance of the warrior-king and the military in Sasanian society. One can suggest Ferdowsi’s use of blood on the battlefield emphasises this importance and demonstrates military strength – they have so many warriors they can turn the plains red with the blood of their enemies. However, this also demonstrates how they have many warriors to lose. In this way, Ferdowsi’s use of blood favours neither side and instead highlights the all-encompassing terror and destruction of war. In the ancient world, landscapes are often described as becoming red with enemy blood.[120] Ferdowsi uses a variety of language to indicate the amount of blood spilt on the battlefield. There are instances of literal description – “The river Kashaf brimmed with blood and turned yellow”[121] – as well as a heavy use of simile and metaphor – “the warriors’ blood transformed the earth to a sea”.[122] This demonstrates that Ferdowsi’s use of blood takes precedence from the ancients of his land, however there are also instances in Greek literature depicting a similar image. An example is found in the Iliad “the earth ran red with blood”,[123] indicating a precedence for this imagery in epic writing. Isaiah also uses similar images – “the mountains shall flow with their blood”[124] and “their land shall drink its fill of blood”.[125] This demonstrates there is a clear tradition in ancient literature that evokes images of landscapes red with blood. In this way, one can suggest Ferdowsi draws on these examples throughout Shahnameh, placing the text firmly in the epic traditions. Not only are these references rooted firmly in tradition, but they also emphasise the extent of bloodshed in the epic war between chaos and order. It is difficult to imagine a specific number of dead, however a reader can always imagine a plain stained red. In this way, Ferdowsi uses blood metaphors to enable the reader to effectively envisage the devastation of war. The extent of bloodshed in battle contexts is significant – from all out wars to duels, Ferdowsi uses blood with a heavy hand in order to emphasise the extent of the suffering and destruction. In Numbers 35:33-34, the land becomes polluted by bloodshed, suggesting that these battlefield scenes in Shahnameh can be read as demonstrating the pollution of the land from the order/chaos of war and evil leaders. Blood loss on the battlefield became a heroic model in medieval Christian literature.[126] Male blood was seen as a purifying agent,[127] and thus by describing battlefields running with blood, Ferdowsi is suggesting through the blood loss, the land will be purified of evil and conflict. This blood saturating the landscape could also fertilise the fields,[128] thus one can suggest Ferdowsi’s use of blood in battle contexts can be taken as a sign of future growth and peace. The land is fertilised through the loss of battle and a new land under the auspices of order will grow from the destruction. In this way, blood on the battlefield is used to emphasise a sense of despair upon a first reading, but upon further investigation can provide a sense of hope of better days to come. Ferdowsi also uses blood in battle contexts to demonstrate the act of killing itself – “Blood congealed on the warriors’ hands as they gripped their swords, dripping down from the darkened blades […]”.[129] Through descriptions of warriors and weapons cloaked in blood, Ferdowsi demonstrates the reality of battle. Rather than just generic statements about the landscape turning red, by focusing in on the warriors themselves and how the battle is affecting their bodies, Ferdowsi uses blood to give the reader a glimpse into action; he presents an idea of what it would have felt like to be in the midst of these battles. “The images of warfare are described with such vigour that the reader feels that he actually sees these images”.[130] Ferdowsi’s use of blood in these intense battle scenes adds to the tenacity of his descriptions. Through blood, Ferdowsi brings the reader into the action and highlights the importance of the military to ancient societies. The passages on warfare are some of the most prevalent in the text,[131] and the images created by Ferdowsi in them through his extensive use of blood highlights the importance of blood and life to the text. V. Gendered Blood “In this land Shirin was considered to be like that bowl of polluted blood.”[132] Blood is carefully used by Ferdowsi in relation to gender. When referring to women, blood is only ever used to express emotion or represent lineage, with one exception in the case of Shirin. This suggests there is a taboo around the idea of female blood and bleeding, as opposed to the many occasions where male blood is referred to in detail throughout the text. This viewpoint is suggested through menstrual and other female blood never being referenced, even in relation to Gordafarid, a courageous female warrior, blood is never mentioned despite vague references to her wounds (“wounded woman warrior”).[133] This absence of blood suggests that there is an aversion to female blood on the whole; not just menstrual blood – in a context where wounds are normally described extensively, Ferdowsi consciously chooses to not include descriptions of blood and wounds because it originates from a woman. In Sasanian society there was a “dread of pollution of blood”,[134] meaning women were often isolated in an enclosure during their menstruation.[135] This fear was so prevalent in society that women faced all sorts of restrictions during their menstrual period including not being able to cook or clean, come into contact with the sacred fire or have sex; their husbands could even divorce them if they came out of confinement too early because it was believed a menstruating woman was contagious and therefore a danger to every living being.[136] The Vendidād 16:17-18 even claims that men could be given the death penalty for having sex with a menstruating woman,[137] demonstrating the extreme anxiety surrounding polluted blood. In Iranian religions, pollution is a concept associated with a female deceiver demon (Nasu),[138] thus one can suggest that women were linked with pollution and thus chaos because of this association with Nasu. This is emphasised through the belief that divans (monsters) were found in the blood, with menstrual blood and semen key places of their residence because of its uncleanliness.[139] Thus, the absence of female blood in Shahnameh may be explained through these ideas of female blood as pollutive and dangerous to society. This belief that female blood was pollutive and taboo is also seen in medieval Christian beliefs where male blood on the battlefield is valorised through the exclusion of female blood from society.[140] In Mark 5:24-34, the woman who bleeds for twelve years is a social pariah, not only because of her gender but because of this never-ending bleeding. One can see this woman’s exclusion from society through the fact she is seen as ceremoniously unclean. Leviticus 15:25-30 demonstrates how polluted and impure blood was linked to women even beyond the confines of menstruation, thus leading to them being ostracised from society because of her uncleanliness – everything they come into contact with is polluted through their touch. In Jewish law, menstrual blood (and semen) are seen to make an individual unclean,[141] thus one can suggest that the absence of female blood in Shahnameh is to avoid suggesting the royal women are unclean. They are so polluted that the must give a sin-offering at the end of their discharge.[142] There was a belief that demonic forces lived in menstrual blood,[143] thus emphasising the idea that female blood was pollutive and dangerous. Menstruation is connected to illness,[144] suggesting female blood was seen as unhealthy and dangerous. The idea of a blood taboo is supported through the fact that blood is not mentioned during Rostam’s birth where Rudabeh is cut open for a C-section. One would expect blood to be referenced in such a scene and modern readers know the amount of blood involved in such an invasive procedure. Here it is the absence of blood that can be interpreted and understood to demonstrate an aversion to female bleeding in Shahnameh. This absence of blood is still clear in modern iterations of Shahnameh, as demonstrated through Hamid Rahmanian’s cinematic shadow play ‘Feathers of Fire’ (figure. 8). Here, during the procedure, there is no representation for blood, instead images evoking fire are used to indicate a magical process from the simurgh in helping Rudabeh through the birth. This follows the aversion to blood in the text in which the clear avoidance of the issue suggests it was taboo. Blood is most explicitly linked to women in the story of Khosrow and Shirin. In this instance, the bowl of blood is used as a metaphor by Khosrow himself – “In this land Shirin was considered to be like that bowl of polluted blood; but the bowl in my harem is now filled with wine; it is my scent that fills her now.”[145] Here the bowl of blood is symbolic of Shirin herself – the blood is viewed as polluted by Khosrow’s advisors because of their notions about Shirin – they are all against her joining the harem and marrying Khosrow. This idea of a woman as polluted blood may be symbolic of Shirin ‘polluting’ Khosrow’s lineage as king. This demonstrates a gendered use of blood – only in reference to Shirin is blood ever ‘polluted’, despite not being her own blood; just a representation of her. Ideas of menstrual blood as a polluting substance[146] suggest this metaphor refers to the harmful aspects of Shirin and her gender as a whole. This demonstrates the opposite view of male blood as a purifying agent demonstrating the masculine control of their blood and therefore society.[147]One can suggest that Ferdowsi’s use of blood in this instance is referring to this belief – Khosrow is in control of his pure blood (and society as King) and in doing so has purified the polluted blood of Shirin into wine – his ‘scent’ fills and purifies her. When commenting on women, Ferdowsi uses blood in relation to their emotions or lineage. Their lineage gave them power and enabled them to be players in Ferdowsi’s grand narrative - “Mariam is of your own blood, and so I have entrusted her to you”.[148] Through their blood connections, women are able to form marriage alliances and thus mother heroes. This is emphasised through “I’ve made a blood alliance with him; I gave him my daughter […]”.[149] Through connecting their families through marriage, they are connected through their blood. Thus, one can suggest blood is gendered through the idea that women are used to form ‘blood alliances’ and yet are not depicted as bleeding. This gendered idea of blood is also evident through the use of blood to describe female emotions – “Farigis saw him through her bloody tears […]”.[150] When the women of Shahnameh lament, they are often described with bloody tears and “[…] blood clogged her musky curls […]”.[151] One can suggest female blood is therefore used to emphasise the violent lamentations of the Ancient Near East, where people scratched their faces and pulled their hair. Through this use of blood, Ferdowsi is emphasising the role of women as wives and mothers because they lament their lost ones in this way. Despite this taboo, Ferdowsi uses feminine terms in relation to blood – “He drew a dagger from his boot and split Iraj from head to foot, so that his body was veiled in blood.”[152] Veiling of women was common in the ancient world becoming a “portable form of seclusion”[153] to cover their heads and/or bodies. Evidence of veiling can be found on mosaics from the Sasanian palace at Bishapur (figure. 9). Here the woman wears a transparent shawl with a scarf fastened around her forehead ending in a veil at the back.[154] In this mosaic, her whole body is covered, thus one can read Ferdowsi’s use of ‘veiled’ as depicting Iraj’s body covered in blood from his wounds. In this way, Ferdowsi uses a domestic, feminine image in a violent context to enable the reader to understand the extent of the injuries. Throughout Shahnameh, female blood is avoided suggesting a taboo surrounding the reality of female blood. This taboo can be read through the absence of blood – because it is lacking, one can read it as an unacceptable topic. Even when discussing wounds, Ferdowsi consciously excludes female blood compared to his vivid descriptions of male wounds. In this way, one can read blood as gendered in Shahnameh. This is emphasised through Ferdowsi’s use of blood to emphasise a woman’s emotions and role in society through the formation of blood alliances. Thus, one can suggest, Ferdowsi’s gendered use of blood reflects ideas of women as wives and mothers in the patriarchal society of the ancient world. Conclusion “If you do not pay attention to my words now, you will find yourself wading through the blood of many men”.[155] Through Ferdowsi’s words one can see the centrality of blood to society. From ideas of the soul and gender to contexts of sacrifice, battle and nature, blood is one of the most prevalent themes in Shahnameh. It is this centrality to this text specifically but also to the wider world that makes blood such a key theme deserving of further study. This gruesome undercurrent to the text is ever-present and one must not brush its significance to the side when considering the work. Blood is ever-present in Shahnameh, through its mythical, heroic and historical sections, blood is just one connecting theme. Blood is a constant throughout societies and time – every society has a set of beliefs surrounding blood that influence our lives and interpretations of texts. This work has shed light onto Ferdowsi’s extensive use of blood in Shahnameh and offered a new insight into the study of this National Epic. Due to the lack of scholarship on blood in Shahnameh and the Ancient Near East, I have attempted to use scholarship on blood in other texts and societies to provide an interpretation of Ferdowsi’s use of blood and read cross-cultural connections in the epic genre. Occasionally one can look to iconography to shed light on uses of blood within the text and aid the interpretation. This gives a new insight into the text and enables one to interpret how Ferdowsi’s contemporary audience would have viewed the text. This reading of Shahnameh has used a variety of themes to interpret the use of blood throughout the text, however there are many overlaps between these themes indicating the diversity of blood within the pages. This diversity and universality of the theme of blood demonstrates its importance to the text. Blood has, and always will be, integral to our understanding of the world. 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[1] Ferdowsi trans. Davis 2007, 393. [2] Browne 1956, 111. [3] Rubanovich 2012, 11. [4] Clarke 1999, 44. [5] Steingass 1892. 488-489. [6] Clarke 1999, 44. [7] Hundly 2003, 145. [8] Ferdowsi trans. Davis 2007, 270. [9] Abasch 2003, 676. [10] Kazen 2018, 221-222. [11] Abasch 2003, 608. [12] Ferdowsi trans. Davis 2007, 273. [13] Wright 2008, 125. [14] Hom. Od. 3.440. [15] Ferdowsi trans. Davis 2007, 264. [16] Beckman 2011, 100. [17] Skjærvø 2015b, 66. [18] Feder 2011, 61. [19] DeTroyer 2003, 50. [20] Leviticus 16:16. [21] Perlo 2009, 50. [22] Perlo 2009, 83. [23] Perlo 2009, 97. [24] Perlo 2009, 102. [25] Perlo 2009, 110. [26] Ferdowsi trans. Davis 2007, 264. [27] Ulansey 1991, 6. [28] Ulansey 1991, 55. [29] Ulansey 1991, 9. [30] Ferdowsi trans. Davis 2007, 273. [31] Ferdowsi trans. Davis 2007, 279. [32] Al-Tabarī IV.761. [33] Deuteronomy 15:23. [34] Caird 1980, 157. [35] Banani 2000. [36] Banani 2000. [37] Banani 2000. [38] Ferdowsi trans. Davis 2007, 43. [39] Ferdowsi trans. Davis 2007, 255; 267-269. [40] Ferdowsi trans. Davis 2007, 647. [41] Thury and Devinney 2013, 19. [42] Hom. Il. 2.690. [43] Ferdowsi trans. Davis 2007, 175. [44] Ferdowsi trans. Davis 2007, 181. [45] Ferdowsi trans. Davis 2007, 122. [46] Ferdowsi trans. Davis 2007, 54. [47] Ferdowsi trans. Davis 2007, 850. [48] Isaiah 15:9. [49] Thury and Devinney 2013, 63. [50] Hdt. 1.131. – “[…] they sacrifice also to the sun and moon and earth and fire and water and winds.” [51] Grenet 2015, 132. [52] Hurowitz 2003, 147. [53] Geller 2010, 96. [54] Kazen 2018, 227. [55] Stoneman 1992, 72. [56] Panaino 2015, 244. [57] Ferdowsi trans. Davis 2007, 169. [58] Enuma Eliš, Tablet 1, Thury and Devinney 2013, 66. [59] Hughes 2013, 130. [60] Zargaran 2014, 309. [61] Zargaran 2014, 310. [62]Ferdowsi trans. Davis 2007, 273. [63] Porter 2003, 24 and 33. [64] Ferdowsi trans. Davis 2007, 279. [65] Isaiah 6:13. [66] Ferdowsi trans. Davis 2007, 272. [67] Ferdowsi trans. Davis 2007, 50. [68] Van Eck 2003, 10. [69] Ferdowsi trans. Davis 2007, 37. [70] Ferdowsi trans. Davis 2007, 368-369. [71] Ferdowsi trans. Davis 2007, 289. [72] Ferdowsi trans. Davis 2007, 293. [73] Anderson N.D., 8. [74] Anderson N.D., 8. [75] Ferdowsi trans. Davis 2007, 556 (Darab attacks the Greeks). [76] Ferdowsi trans. Davis 2007, 714. [77] Ferdowsi trans. Davis 2007, 316. [78] Kazan 2018, 238. [79] Gilders 2004, 17. [80] BBC 2020, Dracula. [81] Abusch 2003, 682. [82] Thury and Devinney 2013, 79. [83] Rippin 2005, 46. [84] Qur’ān 2/172-3 and 5/3 acc. Rippin 2005, 31. [85] Leviticus 17:11. [86] MacDonald 2003, 3. [87] Deuteronomy 12:23. [88] Ferdowsi trans. Davis 2007, 316. [89] Isaiah 63:6. [90] MacDonald 2003, 6. [91] MacDonald 2003, 32. [92] Feder 2011, 174. [93] Genesis 4:10 [94] Feder 2011,174. [95] Matthew 5:38. [96] Genesis 9:4. [97] Genesis 9:6. [98] Perlo 2009, 38. [99] DeTroyer 2003, 50. [100] Gilders 2004,18. [101] Clarke 1999, 129-30 and 135. [102] Claus 1981, 1. [103] Meletis and Konstantopoulos 2010, 2. [104] Meletis and Konstantopoulos 2010, 3. [105] Griffin 1980, 91. [106] Griffin 1980, 93. [107] Ferdowsi trans. Davis 2007, 373. [108] Holmes 2010, 85. [109] duBois 2010, 125. [110] Ferdowsi trans. Davis 2007, 119. [111] McCracken 2003, 21. [112] Fagan and Trundle 2010, 1. [113] Hughes 2013, 129. [114] McDonough 2013, 601. [115] Wiesehöfer 2001, 199. [116] McDonough 2013, 601. [117] Daryaee 2013, 45. [118] Daryaee 2013, 45. [119] Wiesehöfer 2001, 199. [120] Karlsson 2016, 166-167. [121] Ferdowsi trans. Davis 2007, 91. [122] Ferdowsi trans. Davis 2007, 571. [123] Hom. Il.4. [124] Isaiah 34:3. [125] Isaiah 34:7. [126] McCracken 2003, 14. [127] McCracken 2003, 7. [128] Hughes 2013, 130. [129] Ferdowsi trans. Davis 2007, 59. [130] Venetis 2010, 26. [131] Venetis 2010 26. [132] Ferdowsi trans. Davis 2007, 921. [133] Ferdowsi trans. Davis 2007, 193. [134] Daryaee 2013, 60. [135] Daryaee 2013, 60. [136] Daryaee 2013, 60-61. [137] Kazen 2018, 227. [138] Kazen 2018, 222. [139] Zargaran 2014, 311. [140] McCracken 2003, x. [141] DeTroyer 2003, 51. [142] Leviticus 15:30. [143] DeTroyer 2003, 52. [144] Ellens 2003, 30. [145] Ferdowsi trans. Davis 2007, 921. [146] McCracken 2003, ix. McCracken explains the idea of gendered blood in Medieval literature in the Christian mind, including menstrual blood as causing symbolic and practical harm. Whilst this cannot be used to directly ascertain Ferdowsi’s thoughts on female blood, we may infer there was similar feeling due to the taboo surrounding female blood in Shahnameh. [147] McCracken 2003, 7. [148] Ferdowsi trans. Davis 2007, 892. [149] Ferdowsi trans. Davis 2007, 262. [150] Ferdowsi trans. Davis 2007, 274. [151] Ferdowsi trans. Davis 2007, 267. [152] Ferdowsi trans. Davis 2007, 43. [153] Llewellyn-Jones 2003, 4. [154] Daems 2001, 52-53. [155] Ferdowsi trans. Davis 2007, 434. [156] Ferdowsi trans. Davis 2007, 962.
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